Open Mind: The Black Republican

I’m Alexander
Heffner, your host on The Open Mind. RNC Chairman
Michael Steele… …Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice… Chairman of the Joint
Chiefs Colin Powell… Supreme Court Justice
Clarence Thomas. In reverse
chronological order, these are among the
most visible contemporary — all African American —
faces of the Republican Party. In her scholarly début,
our guest today reveals new insight into the
interactions between people of color and
the Republican Party. Leah Wright Rigueur’s
masterly The Loneliness of the Black Republican:
Pragmatic Politics and the Pursuit of Power,
chronicles the ideas of Black Republicans
from the New Deal to Ronald Reagan’s
presidential ascent in 1980. Formerly based at
Wesleyan University, Leah Wright Rigueur is
an Assistant Professor of Public Policy at the
Harvard Kennedy School. “The question of why
[Blacks are Republicans] quickly becomes a
more loaded inquiry: How could they?,”
she writes. Continuing, “For
some, anger with Black Republicans is an
implicit rejection of a larger
accommodationist tradition. To their critics, Black
Republicans are racial apologists, complicit
in an age-old crusade to delegitimize the Black
quest for racial justice.” Our guest’s fresh
analysis of the origins of the Black Republican
narrative reminds us theirs is Party of Lincoln
and of radicals who fought for Emancipation
and civil rights — in fact a party that
supported an anti-lynching plank long before FDR and
the Democrats, so to begin, I want to ask
her if the spirit of those radicals, in the last
half-century of Black Republicans,
is still alive? RIGUEUR: (Laughter)
What a question to start out with (laugh). But first, thank
you, Alexander, for having me
on the show, I, I’m really excited to, to
be here and to share my book with you and
with a wider audience. So thank you for that. HEFFNER: Thanks
for being here. RIGUEUR: (Laugh) So is
the spirit of radicalism still alive? In some instances,
yes, it is. So over the
course of my book, it looks at 1936 to 1980. We do see some of
those same activities. We see a lot of the torch
bearers for civil rights. We see people who want to
work within the so-called Party of Lincoln, even
well after it’s no longer the Party of Lincoln, to
make it more equitable, make it into a
party of civil rights, so that African Americans
can have political choices. So we do see that
in some places. HEFFNER: Well, you
identified the word radical, it could mean a
lot of different things. RIGUEUR: Yes. HEFFNER: So what are the
strains of radicalism and their origin in the
contemporary party? RIGUEUR: So, I
think … that’s, that’s a
interesting question, in part because
like you said, “radical” can be defined
multiple different ways. And some of the things
that I trace in the book is, are, are contemporary
strains of neo-Liberalism, regular Liberalism,
just kind of contemporary Liberalism and
also the evolution of neo-Conservatism. Where do all of
these things come from? And one of the things that
I found in my research is that these things can all
be really traced back in some way shape or form
to what’s going on in the party between, over
the course of this 50 year period. So people who are engaging
in kind of explosive politics from the Left
side of the spectrum and from the Right
side of the spectrum that converge in all
kinds of different and, I think flexible ways. HEFFNER: We were talking
off camera a bit about a formative moment in
which Barry Goldwater, the Conservative from
Arizona was nominated by the Republicans … RIGUEUR: Right. HEFFNER: And Jackie
Robinson, who believed in the spirit of Lincoln, as a Republican,
renounced the party, he wanted to support
Nelson Rockefeller, the former Governor
of New York … RIGUEUR: Right. HEFFNER: … and, and in
your book that seems like a pivotal moment
that is re-shaping the trajectory of the Republican Party
and its relationship with African Americans. RIGUEUR: Absolutely. So, so it’s a
watershed moment, not just for
Jackie Robinson, who is this figure that we
know is highly political, so we know him for
his baseball career and his sports
career and for being ground breaking
in that way. But he’s also very
active in politics. So it’s a ground-breaking
moment for him, watershed moment. But it’s also a watershed
moment for Black people in the Republican
Party more broadly. Because it forces them
to speak openly and very aggressively about their
position on civil rights. It forces them
to take a side. And part of that is
because the party is moving in a direction
that many of them do not feel
comfortable with. Many, many, many of
them do not feel comfortable with this. In fact, they go back and
forth in 1964 at the Cow Palace as Barry Goldwater
is being nominated with … staging a walk out, what
they call a “Black out”. They talk about
“Maybe we should stay within the party”. And I think Jackie
Robinson is instrumental in really organizing these
people into a group that then becomes an
oppositional force within the party to
Goldwater forces. You know, Jackie Robinson
says “There’s no room in the party for racists
and there’s no room in the party for
Conservative Goldwater Republicans”. And they’re
adamant about that. HEFFNER: Was it really
his vote against the Civil Rights Act
and his votes against acknowledging equal rights
under the law, equal protection that
led Jackie Robinson to take that position,
so publicly, so strongly? RIGUEUR: So, there
are a couple of different things. I think it’s definitely
the vote against the Civil Right Act and
it’s the opposition, Barry Goldwater, even
before the 1964 Civil Rights Act is, is
saying, you know, “I opposed these tenants
of the Civil Rights Act and therefore I
won’t support it.” So he’s, even before then. But he’s really
opposed, I think to, this argument that
Goldwater’s trying to make about civil rights
and states’ rights. And so Goldwater is
putting forward this idea that civil rights and
states’ rights are, are somewhat
in competition. And he says that there
are certain things that are guaranteed by, you
know, by the Constitution. But then he argues other
things that we interpret as civil rights are not. So, in fact, he says
“Even though I support Brown v. Board of Education,
it’s not necessarily Constitutional,
versus the right to vote, which is guaranteed
by the Constitution.” And, of course,
you can imagine, this just gets
Jackie Robinson very, very riled up
because he’s saying “How can you say my basic
human rights (laugh) and my basic civil rights are,
in fact, unconstitutional? I deserve just as
much a chance as, as anybody else.” And so I think part of
what’s going on is that he really sees
a problem with, not just the ideology,
the principles that Goldwater’s
introducing, even if, you know, they are
intellectually sound, or if, you know, if
there is some kind of intellectual
rigor behind them, but rather what it allows
the party to do and the kind of people it
attracts to the party. And so even as
he’s, you know, debating with Goldwater
in a public forum and with other
Goldwater-its, he’s saying “You’re
bringing people into the party that are bringing the party
down, that are weakening the party.” And he starts to see the
rise of Southern White Republicans who are
engaged in segregationist activities. And, of course, that makes
him very, very upset. HEFFNER: Was … I’m
curious if there was any effort to court
Jackie Robinson and, and basically do
an about-face? RIGUEUR: It comes, it
comes both before and after the, the
1964 Convention. So before I think
Goldwater in particular tries to reach out to some
Black audiences and they, they still find
his message just, you know,
distasteful … we can’t, we can’t really fathom it. And there, of course,
are exceptions to this, but they’re in
the minority. After the election,
surprisingly you see Jackie Robinson and Barry
Goldwater strike up a letter writing truce. They start writing back
and forth to each other after speaking at an
event in the mid-1960’s. And, and part of, I think,
what Jackie Robinson is trying to do is explain
to Barry Goldwater, from his perspective as
a Black man in America … what is distasteful about
the Republican Party and about
Goldwater’s beliefs. So you really see an
intellectual debate erupt between them, but whereas
before it’s kind of at-each-others-throats,
now it’s trying to make one another understand. And, and I like to
think … you know, Jackie Robinson dies well
before Barry Goldwater and before they can
establish any kind of real relationship, but Jackie
Robinson is effective, at least in getting
Goldwater to understand how his message … again,
no matter how principled Goldwater believed it was,
would actually be a huge turn-off for … not
only Black voters, but White Moderates,
Latino voters and other underrepresented
minority groups. Things like that. HEFFNER: You’re absolutely
right because later in life he said he regretted
casting that vote against … RIGUEUR: Right. HEFFNER: … the
Civil Rights Act … RIGUEUR: Right. HEFFNER: … Civil Rights
Act … and it personally that engagement … what a
lot of African Americans say is that the, the
same thing that you’re describing …
distasteful … distasteful, is it … when you think
of someone like Paul Ryan today who’s, who’s
trying to reach the African American community on an
issue like poverty, but making gestures that
suggest the implicit or even explicit culpability
of these people … RIGUEUR: Right. HEFFNER: … do you see
any parallels here? RIGUEUR: So absolutely. And I, I think what’s
important to note is that one of the things I
discuss in my book is that over the course of … not
just the 50 year period that I really
examine in depth, but even beyond that …
even to present day … we occasionally see the
Republican Party and candidates within the
Republican Party making outreach efforts. And so, it, it usually
comes when they’re on the losing end of a
Presidential cycle or something … or midterm
election where people say “We need to make more of
an effort to do these kind of outreach things.” And so you do see
gestures being made, candidates starting to
talk about issues that affect African Americans
disproportionately, but they often times
run into the same kind of problems, where they use
the same kind of rhetoric, either coded rhetoric,
offensive rhetoric, that ends up alienating
the very people that they’re trying to attract. So, you do
very much see it. HEFFNER: And, and that’s
the great irony … I think it is
astonishing … people are flabbergasted when they learn of this
reversal of parties. Because it was the
Dixiecrats and the Democrats … RIGUEUR: MmmHmm. HEFFNER: Who were so
violently in their rhetoric and their action
opposed to people of color … didn’t even want to
believe they had a place in this union. So I want to step
back for a second … RIGUEUR: Yes. HEFFNER: … let’s go
back from Goldwater, because your book starts
in the twenties … RIGUEUR: 19 … yeah
the twenties and the thirties … HEFFNER: … how did we
get to a place in the Republican Party that made a
Goldwater candidacy, in fact,
nomination possible? RIGUEUR: (Laughter)
That is a huge, huge question … and I think it’s a
very good question … HEFFNER: Reduce it,
reduce it … for our audience in
a way that we can then follow up on it. RIGUEUR: So there are
a couple of different things
that happen. I think even before we
talk about Goldwater, you start to see the
emergence of political strategists who are
pushing a lily white strategy for the
Republican Party. So they feel as though
African Americans are not bringing
the kinds of votes that we want, we need to concentrate
on White voters, to the exclusion of
African American voters. And so we do see a lot
of struggle over that in the 1920s and well
into the 1930s. But then we also see
people within the party who are still pushing
for the inclusion of African American voters,
especially the loyal voting body … you
know, party of Lincoln. But ultimately we do have
people within the party that are strategizing
about what is the best way to win elections? What is the best way
to pull people in? And there’s this constant
kind of back and forth about … if we, if we
appeal to people of color, if we appeal to African
Americans we are going to lose White voters,
so there’s a constant calculation that’s
going about how many, you know, how many White
voters we will lose if we appeal to Black voters? And I think you really
start to see that in 1944 when Ralph Bunche, the
politicals …the favorite … famous scientist and
Nobel Prize winner … does this report for
the Republican Party and there are all these
wonderful suggestions, that really serve as a
blueprint for what the party can do to win
back Black voters. And the party is
scared to use it. They are absolutely
terrified because while they recognize that these
are things that are going to bring African
Americans back into the Party of Lincoln, right, the so-called
Party of Lincoln, that it may cost
them this … increasing votes of White
Southerners, and so it’s also at this
time that we start to see a difference … segments of
the Party ramp up money on spending, on recruiting
White Southerners … so we see a lot of different
kind of R&C projects that go on in the 1940s and
1950s that are all about attracting White
Southern voters. And I think really what
ends up happening is that Goldwater coalesces
all of these ideas, brings all of these
ideas together and really becomes a voice that
speaks to things that a certain segment of
the White South is deeply attracted to. In particular, the deep,
the deep South states. HEFFNER: Was that famous
blueprint that you allude to in response to the
need to find an adequate Republican reaction to the
progressive policies of Franklin Delano Roosevelt
and the way in which they tangibly assisted the
lives of people of color? RIGUEUR: So I
think, you know, there have been many
scholars who have written about the emergence of the
New Deal coalition and, as I say in the
introduction to the book, African Americans make
tangible gains from New Deal social policies. Even as, you know,
again there have been … many people have written
about the problems inherent to these New
Deal policies and how African Americans are discriminated against
in many of these policies. They still make very
tangible gains and they make a connection with
Franklin Delano Roosevelt. You know, the
old saying goes, there’s, there’s this
great quote that says, “Turn away … you know,
turn Abraham Lincoln’s picture to the wall and
replace it with Franklin Roosevelt”. Because he becomes kind
of a symbol that addresses suffering in a way
that the Republicans had just been unable to do. HEFFNER: Right. RIGUEUR: And so this
is why they employ Ralph Bunche. How do we, how do we …. HEFFNER: Right. RIGUEUR: … get
back in the game? (Laugh) HEFFNER: And
Eleanor Roosevelt, in photographs,
in, in … RIGUEUR: Yes. HEFFNER: … videos that
were recently recovered in the Roosevelt series,
the Ken Burns documentary … there … people
of color … RIGUEUR: Yes. HEFFNER: … in
their communities and, and so that was a, a … RIGUEUR: And I … HEFFNER: … selling
point for generations of Democrats. RIGUEUR: Right. And I think you can’t
discount the role tht Eleanor Roosevelt plays …
you know … there’s … there … I think there
are, are some critics who might say, “Well you know, we
should … we need to pay attention to the
Presidential policies in the Executive office”. But Eleanor Roosevelt is
a huge fiturehead in the White House and the, the
efforts that she makes and the outreach that
she makes to African Americans is profound. You know being
photographed … just being photographed
with Black people, having two Black men
escort her in the South on a train … I mean that’s,
that’s ground breaking And so there’s a symbolic
element that we also see come into play with the
establishment of FDR’s Black Cabinet. So even these … though
these are people who have non-voting positions, they
are African Americans of prominence who are
put in high level places to be advisory roles. So just the idea that
African Americans can have input into policies that
affect them (laugh) is, is really … again … to
use this word … profound. HEFFNER: At the
beginning of the program, I mentioned names that
resonate not just with Conservatives, but
with the vast majority of Americans. You know, the, the Black
man on the Supreme Court … RIGUEUR: Right. HEFFNER: … is, some
would say “reactionary, conservative” who very
much would align with the Goldwater of the sixties. So, I mean you say
that one of the lingering questions from, from the
book and your scholarship is … you know how do, how
do Republicans get back to the basics, as it were,
with Black communities. And, and, I mean, the
outlier here is these, these isolated
Conservatives who predominate our politics …
that we really think of … RIGUEUR: Right. HEFFNER: Colin Powell
endorsed President Obama in 2008 and 2012. And, and he’s the
one person from the introduction who has
not continued along the Conservative or
neo-Conservative bent. RIGUEUR: Right. HEFFNER: So, how do
we make sense of these post-Goldwater figures in
the Republican Party or in Conservatism
who still embody the essences of what that Goldwater …
you know, ideology was? RIGUEUR: Well, the, the
… one of the things that I talk about in the
book is how there’s, there’s been a
strain of Conservatism, Right Wing Conservatism
that has existed within these kind of pockets of
Black Republicanism for, for generations, for
decades, that actually pre-date … HEFFNER: Right … and
you say in your conclusion, you talk about
the commitment to the individual,
individual rights … RIGUEUR: Right. HEFFNER: … and
individual’s being responsible for
their own economic welfare and gain … RIGUEUR: Right. HEFFNER: And,
and that was, you know, a piece of it. RIGUEUR: Right. But I think what, what’s
important to remember is that these individuals,
even as they gain steam and pick up after 1964,
they co-exist with Black Republicans
who run the gamut of ideological beliefs. So they co-exist
with Moderates, they co-exist with Liberal
Republicans … right … so a figure like … Jackie
Robinson co-exists with Black people who
support Barry Goldwater, you know, the, the
few, that small group. What’s even more
remarkable to me is that during this
earlier period, we start to see that
even as they hold these intensely
conservative views, which give birth to
modern neo-Conservatism, they are still intrigued
by the ideas of moderate Republicanism and Liberal
Republicanism and they are willing to work with these
various wings and various factions in order to
come up with satisfactory solutions that would appeal
to African American voters. So I think this is
one of the defining, you know, differences
between periods is which is that you have these
wings that are co-existing and actually working
together at some point, whereas we don’t really
see that as much in the present day. HEFFNER: One of your
theses is that these Black Republicans, or at
least the Black Republicans within the electorate,
not the high profile ones that we mention are sort
of mis-understood. I mean there’s a bit of
a misunderstanding here. In, in a post-Obama
political theater in which the
Democrats really embraced and publicly embraced Blackness so
much that they nominated a bi-racial man who
became our first, we call our first
Black President … is there any hope … I
mean you talk about … RIGUEUR: (Laughter) HEFFNER: … is there
any … what would, what would history … how
would history inform the Republican blueprint
to reach Blacks news. RIGUEUR: Well I
think there’s, there’s been some
interesting research … can of at the preliminary
stages that shows that African Americans 1) are
incredibly savvy political voters. You know, they don’t just
cast votes just because … they cast them
for, for deliberate, specific reasons,
very nuanced reasons. But there’s also been
research that shows that when African Americans
start to see no difference between the two
political parties on, on matters of civil rights
and matters of race, that they
actually “woo-able”, they’re moveable, they
can … ship changes … are ship side. And an example of this
is we start to see and, and I mention this in the
conclusion of the book … but in 2004 we see a spike
or a rise in the number of African Americans
identifying as Republican between the
ages of 18 to 34. Hurricane Katrina
changes all of that. Because we start to see a
Republican Administration, how it affects African
Americans in response to this, you know,
horrific crisis, and so it, it
pushes the bioses back. So one wonders, you know,
as we start to see African Americans, or Black
voters feel a little more indifferent
about Democrats in, in 2014 … is there a
possibility of the Republicn Party
winning them back. Now one of the things that
I argue is that there’s really a lot of
possibility on the local level. And the local is, is
different in part because people can form
connections with individual politicians,
connections that don’t, that can transcend
party affiliations. Right, so I vote
for candidate X, not because he or
she is a Republican, but because I like
them as a candidate. So I don’t necessarily
see their political affiliation. And that’s what a lot
of these politicians are banking on. And so we do see
Republicans getting substantial numbers of
Black voters in areas where there’s a separation
or where in areas where African Americans
trust those candidates. On a national level it,
it’s far more difficult because there’s that
political distance and then also the Republican
Party has to overcome its history and then the
wing of the party that continues to do
antagonistic things or engage in behaviors that
alienate African Americans so as, for example, as a
Presidential candidate, you’re always going to
be going up against the history of your party
and then those people within your party,
who we might say, you know, represent
the worst of the party standing in as a
figurehead for the party … if that, if
that makes sense. HEFFNER: No,
it makes sense. And then the question
becomes on the Federal level, who is
the standard bearer, who can … RIGUEUR: Right. HEFFNER: … convey
that message. And, and, on the, but
I want to dig a little deeper into the
local question, because if you
believe all politics is, is local … thank you
Tip O’Neill … RIGUEUR: (Laugh) HEFFNER: … then it would,
it would become kind of a revolution as a
result of success at the local level. From your research
in, in the eighties and nineties
compared to today … RIGUEUR: MmmHmm. HEFFNER: … in
communities that are more heterogeneously Black … RIGUEUR: MmmHmm. HEFFNER: … that have seen
some of the scandals associated with political
corruption that is one party in this case,
the Democratic Party, is there an openness to
new ways of thinking about issues … in other
words, are these voters going to be persuaded
that the Conservative approach is the
right one? Or are they just looking
for an alternative? RIGUEUR: So I
think it’s both. If that’s you know, if
that’s not a cop-out answer … (laughter) HEFFNER: (Laugh) RIGUEUR: … part of, I
think, what’s going on is that Black voters are
always going to be interested in alternatives and, and this even
beyond two party politics … we see a
lot of interest in third party politics. We also see a lot of, of
Black voters who boycott, who say I’m not going to
vote because there are not choices available to me. And this, this is
occurring on the local level, too, right. So abstaining from voting
as a political act in and of itself as well. That being said, I
think what you will see is interest in supporting
a Repubican candidate and policies if those
policies can positively affect … HEFFNER: Right. RIGUEUR: …
African Americans. HEFFNER: And you
can’t start … we’re running out
of time … but you can’t start
with being against voting rights. RIGUEUR: Correct. (Laugh) HEFFNER: … but
I mean that’s sort of a basic point and there
still is some confusion about the Republican
position on voter ID laws. I mean the Republicans
argue that they want to insure the integrity
of the ballot box … RIGUEUR: Right.
Well, so … HEFFNER: What say you? RIGUEUR: … part of … I
mean part of what is so frustrating about
this is … if you look back, and if, if you look
back at the history … after 1964 there is a,
there’s a pivotal moment within the Republican Party
where they say, “We can’t focus on things
like vote ID laws, we need to focus on
registering more Black people to vote.” Like this is the way
(laugh) ensure an, an equitable democracy and
to make sure that people participate in the
political process. And you know, you have
people like Richard Nixon even saying “If we
register people to vote and if we help them to
vote instead of blocking them from voting, then
maybe they’ll be more receptive to actually
listening to our policies and then maybe even
supporting our policies.” HEFFNER: It’s a
wonderful book, “Loneliness of the
Black Republican”. Thanks for much for being
on The Open Mind today. RIGUEUR: Well, thank you
so much for having me, it was a delight. Than you. HEFFNER And thanks to
you in the audience. I hope you join us
again next time… for a thoughtful excursion
into the world of ideas. Until then,
keep an open mind. Please visit the
Open Mind Website at to
view this program online or to access over 1,500
other Open Mind interviews. And check us out on
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on future programming.

30 Replies to “Open Mind: The Black Republican

  1. Being a black republican myself, it is a hard. I live in the Baltimore, Maryland. so being a conservative. in a democratic state is challenging

  2. it's just ridiculous how little we've come to not realize how arbitrary the concept of "race" is. as far as i know the first europeans were BLACK AFRICANS , and over time (just over 100,000 years) due to gene mutations, they are the "white" europeans of today. yes the first human beings , for the most part all looked like the black africans of today.

  3. the Republican party is no longer the party of Lincoln it's the party if goldwater it's is now part of the anglo-american conservative movement a white nationalists identity.

  4. A lot of fancy words, bottom line, this is America, white people can do anything, the biggest rappers…white, but a black rocker? WHAT!! why can't black people do what they want? be Republican, Buddhist, go hang gliding? because they have to be put in a box that can be easy identifiable by the white liberals who are 'taking up their cause'……as if

  5. case closed


  7. I am so tired of hearing that the Republican party is the party of Lincoln. They may have been but NOW they are the party of voter suppression, David Duke, Donald Trump, white supremacy, misogyny, and tax breaks for the most wealthy.

  8. A black Republican to me-is someone willing to educate themselves out of the Democrat Plantation of being totally depend on Government hand outs!

  9. Malcolm X and MLK said "black Americans need turn down the Masters table scraps, Flee the D-party plantation, and stop being used as a trader to your own people". 50 years ago, right after M.X. & MLK told black Americans to flee the D-party, they were murdered. Amazing how their murders benefited the D-party. The MSM & this woman voices of deception help the D-party not black Americans. Yes, I am one of many black Americans that realized that D-party are not really for black Americans.

  10. I am black and at one time was a Republican.  I now identify as an independent.  To put it bluntly, I finally got sick and tired of black Republicans having to adopt and espouse the most extreme far right positions on every issue just to be taken SOMEWHAT seriously within the party.  I might add that the ascension of Donald Trump and his Alt-Right ilk within the party doesn't give me much of a desire to return to Republicanism.  Once this scourge is removed and mainstream, reasoned and reasonable conservatism takes its place, I might reconsider.

  11. As an independent conservative I just look at the failures of the inner cities and black communities in general and they are run from top to bottom by far left black liberal ideology. They have lead our people down a moral decaying rabbit hole!!!!

  12. I love how Republicans think they are free thinkers when all they do is regurgitate the same talking points, they never give any context to what they are talking about, they take points out of context, they intentionally leave out information, they always ignore history, or they just don't have all the facts.


  13. We have to think for ourselves. Like Malcolm X said, the democrats are the fox and the republicans are the wolf. They are both eating the same piece of meat

  14. The party ‘Switch’ is still in contention, since it was conceived and born under the auspices of The Southern Strategy into society by the press (particularly yellow journalists), the Democrat Party, and in textbooks of our public school system by morally corrupted attitudes toward America in general. It still lacks any proof that it was a strategy centralized in racial division, and looking at how divided we are today and who played the biggest role in getting us here and how—those who support Democrats being those who have and still are causing the social stigma and how they are doing seems remarkably similar to The Southern Strategy.
    Lastly, the Voters Rights Act was in fact deemed unconstitutional just recently by the Supreme Court… just because a piece of legislation carries a title which ‘Appears’ to potentially help certain people who are being discriminated against (or strongly think they are) does not mean the words written inside of it will be just as caring or in anyway authored by someone with the foresight to know that what they wrote and the policies those words being put into law will.

  15. Blacks have been Republicans since Abraham Lincoln freed the slaves.
    Democrats were sore losers that they created the KKK to Lynch Blacks in power.
    There's a loophole that slavery isn't illegal in fact the Clintons were the last ones to own black slaves in America that was in the 1980's

  16. I have never heard Leah Wright Rigueur say she was/is a Republican. She is a historian on Blacks within the Republican party, not necessarily one herself.

  17. All the comments from conservative right always state the following:

    1. Blacks vote liberal because they want handouts.
    2. They are on a plantation of thought.
    3. Victimization.

    This is why you always loss their votes in large numbers and you will continue to do so if you view blacks as a monolith.

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