Kamala Harris drops out of 2020 presidential race


Kamala Harris is ending her Democratic
presidential campaign. She was initially one of the favorites to take on Donald
Trump in the 2020 race. For more I want to bring in political commentator and
pollster Fernand Amandi. He hosts the ‘Strange Days’ podcast and is a lecturer
at the University of Miami’s political science department so, Fernand what’s
your initial reaction to that well the news? Andrew it’s really not surprising
when you look at the fact that Senator Harris’s poll numbers in both the early
primary States and at the national level have been gradually declining over the
last few months. She entered this race as you alluded to with a lot of fanfare,
very high expectations and at one point looked to be the odds-on favorite to win
especially after a very powerful early debate performance in June of this year
but as we see throughout these campaigns for the presidency, they rely on money
and they rely on support, and she was really lacking those over the last few
months and that’s why I think she is concluded her campaign today. Why? I mean at one but she started strongly at one point Harris was seen as potentially the
most formidable candidate against Donald Trump, so why did she lack the support?
Why did she lack the money? Well, I think some of the recommendations that are
coming out now questions about how the campaign was organized and structured
what the strategic focus was as well. A decision to not necessarily play
in South Carolina which was a state that seemed geared towards her strengths and
advantages there is a tremendous African-American vote in that state, she
chose instead to put all of her chips in the early contests of Iowa and yet was
not able to gain traction there. I think one of the other elements that folks are
looking at we saw this in Barack Obama’s campaign for the presidency in 2008
often times a presidential campaign is an indicator of how someone will govern
when they are in office is President, Obama’s campaign famous for the no-drama
Obama style very organized, very precise whereas all throughout the campaign
Harris’s candidacy was plagued by infighting and turmoil and organizational issues, and I think all those factors together have led us to this
point where she’s now out of the race and the sweepstakes to become the
Democratic nominee in 2020. How much of a factor do you think that she was in such
a crowded field and look the field is still so crowded? Well indeed it is and
you know what one has to keep in mind there are now still over a dozen
candidates in the race, only one can end up the victor, there’s only one survivor
in the presidential nomination sweepstakes. But I think the fact that
she is a candidate that still had a very albeit smaller but impassioned base of
support I think you’re going to see the other candidates look to try and court
the Harris support base not only that senator Harris herself is someone who
already now is going to be on the shortlist of whoever emerges as the
Democratic nominees running mate choice because she brings a lot of attractive
qualities to the table, she’s young, she’s dynamic, she’s proved on the campaign to
be very articulate. She also is a female and an african-american which represents
a very important part of the Democratic base constituency, so I don’t think we’ve
heard the last yet of senator Harris on the national scene. Where’s what’s your
hunch about where her supporters go? Well you know she was trying to stake out a
candidacy that bridged the two elements of the Democratic constituency, the
moderate centrist elements and the progressive left elements. So that’s
going to be the interesting question I think right now you will certainly see
Joe Biden, who there was certainly an effort early on in the race for him to
try and enlist her people in her support, you’ll see him play there. But also for
those two remaining female candidates that have a chance to still win the
nomination talk me of course about senator Elizabeth Warren from
Massachusetts and senator Amy Klobuchar from Minnesota, I think you’ll see both
of those camps trying and garner some of that support from Harris supporters who
are now looking for who they may want to get behind. How unusual is it that there
are still so many candidates, I mean this is just if you if you were to
predict who would win I mean that’s a challenging thing to do right now isn’t
it? Well, it is it and it isn’t you’re correct Andrew. We
are in an unprecedented situation to see really this many candidates this late in
the process certainly on the Democratic side there have been a baker’s dozen
before there have been six or seven but never this many that are still in the 14
15 candidate count. But the truth of the matter is looking at it objectively as a
political analyst right, now to my eyes there are really only four or five
viable candidates that really have a shot at capturing the nomination next
year and this winnowing process is very natural and actually as you get into the
early part of next year, I think you’ll see the race truncate and protract even
more we may be down to less than ten candidates by the time we get to the new
year. Fernand, thank you. Fernand Amandi in Miami, the political strategists and
pollster is also the host of the ‘Strange Days’ podcast.

Climate change and political polarization | IN 60 SECONDS


Republicans and Democrats differ significantly about the causes of climate change, its seriousness, and what ought to be done about it. 85% of Democrats compared to 34% of
Republicans in an October CBS News poll say global warming is caused mostly by
human activity. In an NBC News/Wall Street Journal question from December,
71% of Democrats, but only 15% of Republicans said climate change has been
established ad serious and immediate action is necessary on it. In the Pew
Research Center’s survey on political priorities that inquired about 18
possible priorities for President Trump and Congress, partisans differed more
about climate change that any other issue. 67 percent of Democrats but only
21 percent of Republicans said it should be a top priority this year. Although
differences are deep, there is some agreement among partisans on producing
domestic energy from different sources. Majorities in both parties agree that
more emphasis should be put on solar and wind. A plurality of Democrats and a
majority of Republicans wanted to put more emphasis on natural. Gas can
Republicans and Democrats come together on climate change? Let us know in our
poll. Also let us know what other topics you’d like our scholars to cover in 60
seconds and be sure to LIKE and subscribe for more research and videos
from AEI.

Of Trump’s potentially impeachable conduct, ‘the facts are in dispute,’ says Collins


JUDY WOODRUFF: In the span of two-and-a-half
months, the impeachment inquiry in the Congress has taken testimony, produced a report, and
examined the legal grounds for impeaching a president. Now, as the House of Representatives works
toward drafting charges against President Trump, we get two more perspectives tonight
on what to expect next. First, I spoke with Representative Doug Collins
of Georgia. He’s the House Judiciary Committee’s ranking
Republican. Congressman Doug Collins, thank you very much
for joining us. Now that we know that Democrats in the House
of Representatives are going to draft articles of impeachment — they’re in the majority
— do the Republicans have a plan for stopping this? REP. DOUG COLLINS (R-GA): Well, I don’t think we
have plan for stopping it. I think this is a culmination today. And I’m not sure why there was such a production
of it by Speaker Pelosi to say that now they’re going to write articles of impeachment. Anybody that has been following this knows
that this has been the plan all along. I think the big question comes now is, how
do they do it in the Judiciary Committee? Do they speed it up? Do they just bypass a lot of the rules even
they passed a couple of months ago? And, frankly, just sad to say, Judy, I’m standing
here on this night telling you I don’t really know where the path forward is. We know that there’s going to be a couple
of presentations of reports on Monday, but past that, we really don’t know. So it’s a concerning process for us to be
prepared. But this has not been a surprise. JUDY WOODRUFF: Well, they say that this is
going to be about presenting the evidence. But what I want to ask you is, do you dispute
the facts that the Democrats have laid out? And I’m asking you because, yesterday, the
law professor the Republicans called on the Judiciary Committee, Jonathan Turley, said
that President Trump’s call to the Ukrainian president — and I’m quoting — “was anything
but perfect, and that Congress had a legitimate reason to scrutinize it.” REP. DOUG COLLINS: Well, that’s Jonathan Turley’s
interpretation. And, of course, he was our actual witness. I find it different. I don’t think there was anything wrong with
the call. And I think that was what brought out in the
hearing yesterday over and over and over again, is that, at best, Mr. Turley said that it
was a paucity of errors. There was very much there. It’s wafer-thin was the word, I think. But what we’re seeing is, it was nothing wrong
with what went on and how it went about. So I think the problem is, is, we don’t have
a problem talking about the substance of the issue and how it went about. And I think that’s going to be the problem
for the Democrats going forward, because, remember, Judy, they can do what they want
to in the House of Representatives. They have the votes to manipulate this. But when it goes to the Senate, or, better
yet, when it goes to the American people, they have to convince the American people
that there’s a crime, that there was something actually committed, tangible, in real world
terms, not in philosophical terms of academics in a meeting. JUDY WOODRUFF: But isn’t an impeachment of
a president about how Congress sees the oath of office, whether there’s been abuse of power,
what the framers, what the founders put in the Constitution? REP. DOUG COLLINS: Well, it is. And what was interesting is, is, yesterday,
again, this shows you how disputed — the facts are in dispute. They’re not — and this will be the first
impeachment in which there’s actually, if they go forward with this, where the — there
wasn’t agreement at least on basic facts. In Nixon and in Clinton, among Democrats and
Republicans, there was a commitment on basic facts that came from the reports that were
issued on these different facts. We don’t have agreement on facts. In fact, we have a very much a dispute, when
they say that there was actual quid pro quo. There was actual witnesses says, no, there
wasn’t. They have witnesses who say, well, we believe
or presume that the information given to us, because I heard it secondhand, was that he
was holding back because of a meeting. But yet we have others with direct knowledge
who said no. We also have five direct meetings after the
aid was put on hold, five meetings in which Zelensky was present, one with a phone call,
three with ambassadors, and one — one with a senator and one with Vice President Pence,
in which two of which, those last two meetings, with the senators and with Vice President
Pence, were after they found out money was being held. And there was never a connection between aid
and doing something. So I think what we have got here is very much
a disputed fact. And I think, in the past, Congresses have
relied on actual crimes. Clinton lied. Nixon committed the crime of a conspiracy
for break-in. There’s nothing there that actually they can
put their hands on. And that was part of the problem yesterday
in the hearing. JUDY WOODRUFF: But when all — when there
as many dots as there are, if you want to use that analogy, isn’t the conclusion going
to be that, if there was discussion about withholding aid, and aid was withheld for
several months, and there had been conversation, which the president himself acknowledges,
saying to the Ukrainian leader, I want you to investigate the Bidens, what are you left
with? REP. DOUG COLLINS: Well, what did he say that was
— again, we go back to this — was helping us? And this was the day after. Remember, this telephone call happened the
day after the Mueller report here on the Hill. And about the time, you and I actually spoke
about that whole report. And there was very much of a frustration then. And the conversation was, can you help us
investigate this, what just happened, and what had tore our country up for so long? I think you got to be very careful, Judy. And I appreciate what you’re saying about
trying to connect dots to become. But then, if you do, you become like one of
the law professors yesterday that says, well, if you see all these facts, and you infer
there’s a problem or you infer a crime was committed, then you go forward on impeachment
like that. That’s a very slippery, wrong slope to stand
on, because this country, the average American outside of D.C. understands due process. They understand fairness. They do not understand that I can infer that
you may have done something wrong, so, that way, we’re going to convict you of it. JUDY WOODRUFF: Let me ask you about something
else. We heard from the Democrats yesterday that
they are considering widening this impeachment inquiry to include the article — the second
part of the Mueller report having to do with obstruction of justice. In that, we saw 10 minutes episodes they laid
out where the president may have, could have obstructed justice. And, again, the report doesn’t exonerate the
president. It says the decision is up to Congress. Does that strengthen what the Democrats are
trying to do or not? REP. DOUG COLLINS: No, there’s two parts to that. One, I believe that most Democrats are ready
to move on from the Mueller report. It was a very painful experience for them
because they put everything into it. And it didn’t turn out conclusive as they
wanted to. But I also think it’s very interesting. Go back to the Mueller hearing that day, and
the Democrats tried to walk through each of these points that they showed of obstruction
that they saw in the part two. And at the end of it, Mr. Mueller would agree
with various parts, but at the end of it, he would say, I don’t agree with your conclusion. I don’t agree with your outcome. He made that statement over and over and over
again. So it’s going to be very hard to walk back
Mueller’s own words, when he said he disagreed with the — at the end the conclusion of obstruction. JUDY WOODRUFF: Congressman Doug Collins of
Georgia, thank you very much. REP. DOUG COLLINS: We’re glad to be here, Judy. It’s always good to be with you.

Illinois During the Civil War, 1861-1865: Politics During the Civil War, Part 1


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Abraham Linc oln carried his adopted state of Illinois
in the election of 1860 and brought a Republican governor and legislature with him, but the
triumph did not mark the beginning of heady times for the state’s Republicans. The trials
of war soon brought the state’s Democrats back into favor. Throughout the
conflict the two parties’ competition provided a framework for the discussion, sometimes
peaceful, others less so, of war aims. A significant number of Illinoisians turned to extra-political
activities, including v
iolence, in hopes of pushing their preferred policies into reality. But the Democratic
Party came to represent those skeptical of the Union’s war effort, while a significant
portion of the state’s new Republican Party coalesced around a patriotic call for
a more vigorous prosecution of the conflict. For most of the war, President Lincoln remained
in the middle. }{fieldfldedit{*fldinst {rtlchfcs1 af0 ltrchfcs0 insrsid9905356
HYPERLINK “http://dig.lib.niu.edu/civilwar/politics.html” \l “1” }{
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par As the Confederate states announced their secession from the Union, Illinois
‘ Democratic leader Stephen A. Douglas, long a thorn in Republicans’ sides, abruptly changed
his stance and pledged his full support to President Lincoln. Douglas frankly admitted
his own tendency toward “leaning too far to the Southern section of the Uni
on,” and urged his followers to support the president. Then, on June 3, 1861, Douglas
passed away, the victim of a fever. In his absence, the Illinois Democratic Party struggled
to pull together under the Union banner. }{fieldfldedit{*fldinst {
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par While open air secession meetings proved popular in southern Illinois and a number
of Democratic politicians openly supported the Confederacy at first, the party eventually
accepted its role in the Union. Congressman John
A. Logan, who had originally compared Confederate secessionists with the United States’ Founding
Father, accepted a commission in the volunteer army and urged “all patriots to sustain the
Government in its efforts to vindicate the Constitution.” Many of L
o gan’s supporters followed his lead, and Illinois’
heavily Democratic southern sectors, which had once talked of seceding from the state,
led the way in military enlistments. Nevertheless, many Illinois Democrats continued to oppose
the war for the Union. }{fieldfldedit{*fldinst {rtlchfcs1 af0
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rtlchfcs1 af0 ltrchfcs0 insrsid9905356 par While Illinois Democrats struggled with
the challenge of disunion, many of the state’s Republicans became increasingly impatient
with the federal government and President Lincoln. The W
ar Department entered the Civil War largely unprepared for combat, and labored to organize
a war effort. The Illinois State Journal complained “Our people venerate LAW next to GOD, but
they are restive under the restraining operations of red tape. The ide
a of waiting for orders from Washington to defend ourselves or protect our outraged Union
brothers in Missouri may not much longer be brooked.” }{fieldfldedit{*fldinst {rtlchfcs1
af0 ltrchfcs0 insrsid9905356 HYPERLINK “http://dig.lib.niu.edu/civilwar/politics.html”
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par Republicans soon took umbrage with Presid ent Lincoln’s treatment of General John C.
Fremont as well. The Republican Party’s first presidential candidate in 1856 and a well-known
explorer of the mountain West, Fremont became the commander of the Department of War’s Western
Division, headquartered at St. Louis, with Lincoln’s appointment in
1861. Fremont’s forces struggled with inadequate support from the beleaguered War Department.
But the general also proved to be an ideologue often incapable of following the Commander
in Chief’s larger policies. In the late summer of 1861 Fremont issued
a proclamation declaring martial law in Missouri and the emancipation of slaves there. Many
Illinois Republicans, especially its abolitionists, cheered Fremont’s action. But Lincoln, moving
cautiously in a war to preserve the Union, annulled Fremont’s order
and eventually removed him from command, bringing down his supporters’ wrath.
par Democrats turned the Republicans’ disarray into victory in the fall of 1861, taking over
the state legislature. Many Illinoisians fea red that the Democrats, led by senior leaders
from southern Illinois, would attempt to dislodge that region from the state and unite it with
the Confederacy. Others believed that the legislature would use its powers to block
the state’s contribution to th e Union war effort. But the Democratic leadership
proved uninterested in such sweeping goals, and instead turned to the familiar pursuit
of partisan advantage. par Democrats quickly took up an investigation
of the state’s war expenditures, in search of unseeml
y contracts and graft, and found unusually high expenditures. Such discoveries failed
to translate to political capital in wartime however. A Democratic report of the treatment
of Illinois troops in the field found no wrongdoing, once again yielding no ca
mpaign leverage. par The Democrats soon turned to the framing
of a new state constitution, a project that the voters had set in motion in the election
of 1860. The legislators arranged a scheme of political apportionment that provided the
state’s less-populous southern counties with representation equal
to those in the rapidly growing north. Their approach to economic regulation returned to
the familiar Democratic themes of the antebellum period, framing provisions discouraging banking
and the circulation of p a
per currency. One provision bluntly stated that “all laws enacted after the adoption
of this Constitution, which create corporations, amend existing charters, or grant special
or exclusive privileges to individuals, shall be subject to alternation, amendm
ent or repeal.” The body also proposed to incorporate into the document a prohibition
of black immigration to Illinois first taken up in 1853. }{fieldfldedit{*fldinst {rtlchfcs1
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par Republicans of northern Illinois howled in
protest at the proposed constitution. The bank and currency provisions promised to damage
economic development in northern regions increasingly marked by railroads and factories. In a maddening
refrain of the national sectional crisis, the new constituti
on’s political apportionment threatened to subject the entire state to the political
will of a southern minority. “Shall the manufacturing, agricultural and commercial interests of northern
Illinois be put into Egyptian bondage?” wondered the Aurora }{
rtlchfcs1 aiaf0 ltrchfcs0 iinsrsid9905356 Beacon}{rtlchfcs1 af0 ltrchfcs0 insrsid9905356
. }{fieldfldedit{*fldinst {rtlchfcs1 af0 ltrchfcs0 insrsid9905356 HYPERLINK
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par Republicans ultimately organized their campaign against the new constitution, to
be tested by a voters’ referendum, around the theme of loyalty. “Why is it that every
rebel sympathize r in Illinois is open mouthed for the adoption
of the new Constitution? Asked the Illinois State Journal. “Down with the Secession Constitution,”
added the Chicago Tribune. Voters responded by rejecting each of the constitution’s provisions,
except the ba ns on black settlement, voting, and office
holding, which carried by large margins. }{fieldfldedit{*fldinst {rtlchfcs1 af0 ltrchfcs0 insrsid9905356
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rtlchfcs1 af0 ltrchfcs0 insrsid9905356 par While Abraham Lincoln pursued a war to
preserve the Union in 1861 and 1862, Radical Republicans in Il
linois, including Governor Yates and Senator Lyman Trumbull, labored to advance the cause
of emancipation. One Illinoisian wrote that the federal government had “a higher and holier
mission to perform, than to lavish hundreds of millions of Treasure and t
o sacrifice tens of thousands of the lives of our noblest young men, to see how strong
it can hold a Traitor’s negro with one hand and how successfully it can fight his master
with the other.” }{fieldfldedit{*fldinst {rtlchfcs1 af0 ltrchfcs0
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rtlchfcs1 af0 ltrchfcs0 insrsid9905356 When President Lincoln persisted in maintaining
a conservative policy aimed at retaining slaveholding border states like Kentucky and Missouri for
the Union, Illinois Republicans’ patience snapped. One editor blasted “the imbecility
of President Lin coln” whom he believed had “done more to aid
Secessia than Jefferson Davis.” Governor Yates and Senator Trumbull each questioned the president’s
ability to lead the nation. }{fieldfldedit{*fldinst {rtlchfcs1 af0 ltrchfcs0 insrsid9905356
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