Idiotic Republican Blames Bad Economy on Gays


i represent of selling turns back at a
young and she had uh… lesbians and gays a terrorist earlier announced she’s got a new resolution that’s going to explain of the cause of
the economic collapse and i did not know this is an interesting development in
oklahoma let’s watch has an idea if you want it to yourself
out of the airport but the bible and playing basketball usual obliged to help
on the lawmaker who’s going to satisfy our nation’s economic downfall but her
critics have access to read has gone too far him and then we’re talking about a
representative who made international headlines just last year now she is back
in the spotlight all because of this proclamation anticoagulation separation of church and
state it’s called the oklahoma citizens
proclamation from around the a long list of what’s wrong with america and what we can do about it proclamations author representatives and the current who’s
already bracing for a backlash anytime after seven is going to address
you can issue like this i ask myself question in my willing to pay the price
his handiwork and in her proclamation representative karl blames people
outside of wall street in washington for the national recession it reads quote we believe are economic woes are
consequences of our greater national moral crisis she’s blaming those who
participate in abortion provider fee same sex marriage sex trafficking billboards and other forms of the baccarat
economics across affects all of this and we care about the pocketbook but d’amato says blessed is the nation
he stands for and i think company will take care and asking them
to hear that prosperity current who just last year compared gays
and lesbians with terrorists says the timing of this proclamation has
nothing to do with this week’s gay pride events some art by now yes i think it’s a response to you know the celebration and you know
i’m concerned about the economic issues specifically said but moral and
spiritual issues as a pastor with those issues are more people falling into
poverty and millions of americans without health insurance more people
going hungry that’s footage of the environment but representing her public
officials and rest any of these moral issues and it certainly doesn’t stop there the
proclamation goes on the bass president obama and accuses him of directly pushing
workers and calling a homosexual agenda uh… always amazed at how stupid bc no
it wasn’t that we were over leverage it was a good credit default swaps imposing goldman sachs playing the market’s which
at eight years of bad passes article and thought about that that uh… you know the details in our
white actually happen no it has to do with homosexuals his last for a resolution whereas deeply
disturbed at the office of the present these united states disregards the devil admonitions to live
clean and pure lives by proclaiming an entire month of indian moral behavior once a month for you to do the moral
behavior that sounds like but wait which one is that there is a calm they’re talking about
this statewide monson and how the all bomber had people over
at the white house to the celebrated americans called because of our maggie
america’s of the white house parties and that’s why they found a way in that correlate well over a year ago it’s amazing how stupid these people are they’re people who use the evidence and
facts

Obama Mocks Crybaby Republican Debate Demands


I THINK THE GOP’S LIST OF DEMANDS TO THE NETWORKS IS
RIDICULOUS, I THINK IT WILL LARGELY WORK, THE NETWORKS WILL
CRUMBLE, THAT IS WHAT THEY ALWAYS DO. THEY SELL OUT FOR
ACCESS. BUT PRESIDENT OBAMA ALSO THINKS THE EXACT SAME THING.
LET’S WATCH. HAVE YOU NOTICED THAT EVERY
ONE OF THESE CANDIDATES SAY, OBAMA IS WEAK, PUTIN IS KICKING
SAND IN HIS FACE. WHEN I TALK TO PUTIN HE WILL STRAIGHTEN OUT.
JUST LOOKING AT HIM, HE’S GOING TO BE — AND THEN IT TURNS OUT
THEY CAN’T HANDLE A BUNCH OF CNBC MODERATORS AT A DEBATE. IF
YOU CAN’T HANDLE — IF YOU CAN’T HANDLE THOSE GUYS, THEN I DON’T
THINK THE CHINESE AND THE RUSSIANS ARE GOING TO BE TOO
WORRIED ABOUT YOU. LOVE IT. I AGREE WITH IT, I
HAVE SAID SIMILAR THINGS TO THAT, BUT IT IS DIFFERENT
HONESTLY WHEN THE PRESIDENT SAYS IT. WHY DIDN’T WE HAVE THIS FROM
DAY ONE? ALL THAT REACHING OUT TO THEM, NONE OF IT EVER WORKED.
YOU WERE NEVER GOING TO HAVE ENOUGH BEERS TO CONVINCE THE
REPUBLICANS TO BE ON YOUR SIDE. YOU SHOULD HAVE MERCILESSLY
MOCKED THEM FROM THE BEGINNING. WHEN YOU DO THIS, THAT HELPS
YOUR FRAMING. IT HELPS FRAMING FOR THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY, SO
REPUBLICANS LOOK WEEK INSTEAD OF STRONG. THAT IS CALLED USING
YOUR BULLY PULPIT. THANK YOU, OBAMA. SHOULD HAVE BEEN DOING IT
ALL ALONG, BUT I WILL TAKE IT. THAT WAS WELL DONE.

Are two parties enough? — with Michael Barone (1995) | THINK TANK


Ben Wattenberg: Hello, I’m Ben Wattenberg. America has a unique two-party political system. Does it still work? In 1996, beyond the Republican and Democratic
nominees, we may be seeing one more or two more or even three more serious presidential
candidates who say it’s time for something new. Joining us to discuss the matter are Michael
Barone, author of “Our Country: The Shaping of America from Roosevelt to Reagan,” coauthor
of “The Almanac of American Politics,” and senior writer at US News & World Report;
Ronald Walters, chairman of the political science department at Howard University and
author of “Black Presidential Politics in America: A Strategic Approach,” and deputy
campaign manager for issues in Jesse Jackson’s 1984 campaign; Michael Beschloss, author of
“The Crisis Years: Kennedy and Khrushchev, 1960–1963”; and Michael Vlahos, senior
fellow at the Progress and Freedom Foundation. The topic before this house: Are two parties
enough? This week on “Think Tank.” America is the only advanced democracy with
a straight two-party system. Advocates say it helps unite a vast continental
nation. But more often than you might think, third
candidates and sometimes even fourth candidates have had a major influence on American presidential
elections. The presidential election of 1860 had four
major candidates. Abraham Lincoln was elected, becoming the
first Republican president. In 1912, former Republican President Theodore
Roosevelt ran as a third-party candidate, finished second, and split the Republican
vote. This allowed Democrat Woodrow Wilson to capture
the White House. In 1968, presidential candidate Richard Nixon
nearly lost the election to Democrat Hubert Humphrey because the governor from Alabama,
George Wallace, took almost 14 percent of the vote, most of which would have gone to
Nixon. George Wallace [from videotape]: Got some
folks out here who know a lot of four-letter words. But there are two four-letter words they don’t
know: w-o-r-k and s-o-a-p. You don’t know those two four-letter words,
I’ll tell you that much. Ben Wattenberg: And in 1992, billionaire Ross
Perot ran a chaotic but remarkably successful third-party campaign. To the surprise of many experts, Perot received
almost a fifth of the vote. Perot may well run again in 1996, and he may
not be alone. There is intense speculation that retired
General Colin Powell could run as an independent. The Reverend Jesse Jackson has publicly discussed
bolting the Democratic Party to run on an independent ticket. What their candidacies would mean for the
Republicans or for the Democrats or for America is anyone’s guess. We are going to talk in a moment about the
current situation, but let’s start first with a lesson in theory. What is the political theory behind our unique
two-party American system? Michael Barone, and then let’s go around the group. Michael Barone: Well, I think the argument
for third parties is that the two major parties — we’ve got two of the three longest-running
major parties in democratic societies in the world — have their own fixed kind of character
and personality. They don’t exhaust all political possibilities
of what people may want, so you should have room for something else. The real argument, I think, against the third
parties is that our electoral system works powerfully against third parties, the electoral
and for the presidency and the single-member district in Congress. And as a practical matter, third parties have
not proved lasting. Ben Wattenberg: Okay. Michael Beschloss. Michael Beschloss: Third parties tend to address
issues that oftentimes the major two parties do not address because they have to be these
great umbrella majorities, and oftentimes they’ve gotten candidates to focus. In 1992, if Ross Perot had not been so tough
on reducing the deficit, I think Bill Clinton and George Bush would not have tried to outbid
him. At the same time, during a period in which
this country is getting more fragmented than ever, in a way the two umbrella parties seem
a lot more welcome because there are very few unifying factors in this society. Ben Wattenberg: Michael Vlahos. Michael Vlahos: Third parties are important
in American history because the national third party as opposed to a regional third party
emerges in a time of a conflict of visions over the American idea. Ben Wattenberg: Of visions? Michael Vlahos: Yeah, a conflict that’s
deep-rooted, that’s powerful. We have them in the Civil War, right before
the Civil War, 1896, 1930s. The third party is a transitional device for
Americans to play out this conflict of visions. What happens often is that it serves as a
way of getting things defined so that it comes to terms in a critical election, where one
of these visions predominates. And at that point, once you have one vision
triumph, those who are opposed to that vision still or who believe differently tend to take
the opposition side, and you go back to two parties again. Ben Wattenberg: All right. Ron Walters. Ronald Walters: Very complex. I think the philosophical cement which has
held the two-party system together really is fraying at the edges, and largely because,
I think, when you look at the grand coalitions which have held these two parties together,
the social interests behind them are coming unstuck. And I think that you look for the answers
to that not in the political system, but in the social system. And I think when we look at the fact that
there is far less unity about the great ideas of this time, I think it’s natural that
you will see that reflected in the political system. Ben Wattenberg: Why is it that America alone
of the modern industrial democracies has a straight two-party system, and I guess everywhere
else, there are more fragmented parties? Michael Barone: Well, one quick answer is
the electoral college. I mean, the fact is, you either carry all
of the state’s electoral votes or none, and the first one in there does. Ben Wattenberg: So there’s a constitutional
root to it. Michael Barone: It doesn’t help out very
much if you’re running a strong third; you get zero in the electoral college. If you’re running even second, you get zero
in the electoral college in most states. Ben Wattenberg: Yeah, but if you run third
party, you can get a state’s electoral votes with only 34 percent of the vote. Michael Barone: But in fact what’s happened
is that the residual loyalties typically to the two major parties — about which people
at different points in our history have had really passionate attachments to — tend
to make it hard. I mean, we saw Ross Perot, in 1992, was running
first out of three in the polls in the spring. If he hadn’t withdrawn from the race, perhaps
he would have been a — that is not impossible, but it’s a hard threshold to meet. Michael Vlahos: But there is a cultural reason
for having two parties, and that is that, unlike the other cultures of Europe and Japan,
America isn’t the same kind of structured class society where you have a dominant upper
class that organizes society and that class can structure its political system in ways
where it’s less central to how you define your identity. Whereas here, in some ways the political system
is the way in which we structure a sense of elite leadership in society and ratify it
in ways that work for us. The ratification of authority in European
states does not depend upon their electoral system as much. Ronald Walters: Well, I was going to say something
just I think the opposite of that — [laughter] — because I think that there is a sense,
really, of class in a lot of this. Michael Vlahos: Well, I’m not saying there
isn’t a sense of class, but it isn’t as structured as — Ronald Walters: All right, well, let me define
it my way. I think that one of the ways in which the
political parties, especially in the 20th century, was predominantly out of the question
of class. When you look at the way the Democratic Party
has tended to mirror the development of industrial society, you can see then the root of that
party system and the way in which it served blue-collar interests. By the same token, in the 20th century, you
look at the emergence of the Republican Party and the way in which it tended to serve the
interests of those who own capital. And I think that that — what’s happened
I think in the post–World War II period is that that division has broken down as we
moved toward a service economy. Two guys live in the suburbs. One works for IBM, the other for AT&T. They’re a Democrat and a Republican. They wonder, what’s the difference between
us anymore? Michael Beschloss: I think another thing,
if I might come in, is that especially on the Democratic side, in recent years you see
something of a lack of political courage of the kind that you used to see in the 19th
century. By that I mean that Democrats in recent years
who would like to be old liberal Democrats with the kind of view about activist, perhaps
central government that was the case that was very popular in the 1930s, now people
say Americans have turned away from that. But we still want to win, so we’ll try to
fuzz that up and paper over the division in the Democratic Party. And the result of that has been that every
presidential candidate in the Democratic Party for about the last 10 to 15 years has been
a hostage of this effort to paper over that conflict. And what you might see in 1996 is Bill Clinton
trying to be both old and new Democrat, and you might see, if Jesse Jackson runs, Jackson
forcing Clinton to choose one or the other, and essentially a third party doing what it’s
done through most of our history. Ben Wattenberg: You don’t really think that
President Clinton would try to have two faces on an issue, do you? Michael Barone: Well, I think he — I’m
not sure he’d want to limit himself to that. [Laughter.] No, he’s an adaptive, and in a sense he’s
almost a prototype of the nature and the character of the Democratic Party. Because through its long history, going back
to the 1830s, the Democratic Party has typically been a collection of out-groups, of people
who sense or are sensed by others to be somehow not quite fully American or hyphenated American
or a little different. It was the Irish as it started in the 1830s,
Southerners as opposed to Northerners, factory workers and union members in the 1930s, black
Americans, particularly after the New Deal and the civil rights revolution. And at its best, the Democratic Party becomes
sort of the quintessential majority institution when it gathers enough of these groups together
and can keep them together. But it’s hard keeping all these groups together. Michael Vlahos: Well, it worked in the industrial
period, but the problem is, we’re entering into a different era in terms of how our economy
is structured. And you add to that the fact that the establishments
of both the two parties don’t speak to the people anymore. They’re elitist establishments. And in fact, the cleavages in both parties
illustrate the fact that you have the old lines of ideological separation and party
allegiance shifting like this. So you now see libertarian Democrats, old,
you know, hippies from the ’60s, making common alliance with the Gingrich types who
want to have the same kind of libertarian approach that fits the economic changes — Michael Beschloss: Certain Republicans? Michael Vlahos: Well, in fact, you know, the
old class lines — we’re still wearing the kind of attire that fits the old-line
elites. In fact, that’s really breaking down and
that’s traditionally — Ben Wattenberg: You can take your tie off. Michael Vlahos: I might loosen it a little. No, but traditionally, you have this breaking
down of elites when you have an economic revolution. Ronald Walters: Let me throw something else
in because we’ve talking about interests, and that is, I think technology has helped
this process because it’s given groups the ability to project their interests into the
political system without regard to the overarching structures of the party. Political scientists, for example, we talk
a lot about why the party has gone, you know, to hell. Well, the fact is that the party used to be
the main instrument of political socialization, the main instrument of political information
as a part of that. But today somebody can turn on their television
set and get more political information or use some other means, internet, whatever have
you. So that ability of groups to get together
and to project their interests, represent their interests is another reason why I think
you’re fragmenting the political party system at the base. Ben Wattenberg: Let’s move now to the current
situation. Because when Ross Perot ran last time, in
1992, he made the case — and I thought it was a pretty interesting case — wouldn’t
it be nice to have a nonpartisan president, who was neither a Democrat nor a Republican,
who could take the best from each, who didn’t get elected because this block or that block
or this special interest had given him money. And then he could sit there and be sort of
the nonpartisan guy who got under the hood and fixed things. Is that — and now, how does that play out
in — now let’s turn to 1995. Ronald Walters: The state law won’t allow
it right now. When you look at the way in which the Congress
has produced and the way in which people have to run through a gauntlet of state laws, which
are really structured to favor the two-party system — Ben Wattenberg: In congressional elections. Ronald Walters: — in congressional elections
— right now I don’t see any room in state law for a totally nonpartisan result. And I think that’s got to be the problem. But I will say this: that as far as the presidential
level is concerned, since the time of John Anderson, I think that what’s happened in
states is that it’s become easier and easier for serious third-party candidates to gain
ballot access. And the technicalities around ballot access
really have stymied a lot of great third-party efforts. Michael Barone: How late is it a candidate
can get in the race, Ron, and get ballot access in all the states, do you think? Ronald Walters: I think about now. Ben Wattenberg: Perot didn’t start till
the spring of the election year. Ronald Walters: Well, in many states, you
have petition requirements, and those petition requirements means that you have to get 30,
40, 50,000-some, 100,000, some crazy number of petitions — Michael Vlahos: That’s right, and a lot
of them are thrown out. Ronald Walters: That’s right. And you have to get them validated, and they
have to be ready for some of the elections that are occurring this year in order to use
that ballot access for next year. Ben Wattenberg: Is Jesse Jackson, in your
judgment, going to do that? Ronald Walters: I plead the Fifth on that
question. Michael Barone: Has he taken some of the beginning
steps in that, or have others done that for — Ronald Walters: No. He’s talked about it seriously, but I would
say this. When you look at a combination of groups that
have already run, from the Peace and Freedom Party to Ron Daniels and many others, that
have already created ballot access in many states, I don’t think he would have to start
over, you know, new. He could use, in fact, some of the lines that
have already been created. Michael Vlahos: The only time that third — national
third parties are really important and can be really important — and this isn’t just
a function of local laws — is when one of the two major parties begin to break up. And we have serious enough divisions in both
parties, especially the Democrat Party, where you could begin to see that. If you have a situation where people feel
so unattached to a party, the prospect of a third party that two or three years ago
might have just been based around a charismatic figure, like Ross Perot, now becomes something
that they begin to focus on. That’s what you had in the 1850s. But that reflects deep divisions. Ben Wattenberg: Is the Democratic Party breaking
up? Anybody? Michael Beschloss: I guess I see it very differently. Because what third parties have done, certainly
in this century, you see something like the split that Ben mentioned, in 1912 between
Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft in the Republican Party. That was mended again. Same thing in 1948. There was a suggestion that the Democratic
Party would break up because you had splinters on the left and right. They came back again. In 1968, George Wallace took a number of people
out. I think what it tends to do is not so much
always cause a party to break up, although that certainly did happen in the 19th century
— in the middle of the 19th century — but what it does is it gets a party to focus. What I would suggest in this time, one problem
in the Democratic Party at the presidential level during the last two decades has been
lack of focus. Do the Democrats believe in the idea of strong,
activist government, or is this something that they’re walking away from? In 1980, that was papered over; very much
the same thing now. So if you had a party, such as a Jesse Jackson
party, splintering from the Democrats, what it could cause is a much more focused Democratic
Party in the future. Michael Vlahos: If I could just rephrase that. I mean, the point is that the development
of the Know Nothings followed the collapse of the Whigs. What I’m saying is if one of the two major
parties that’s been hallowed and around a long time loses a lot of its adherents and
becomes a kind of rump party, like the Whigs did, then you see that as a consequence of
a divide in which the issue has left its former place. It’s left the party; it’s gone somewhere
else. Michael Barone: It’s kind of a hard drill,
though, to do this. One of the things we see in presidential races
recently has been that you do better, as Ross Perot showed, if you’re some kind of a celebrity. Ben Wattenberg: Yeah, well, all right. Let me ask you a question, speaking of celebrity. Suppose you had General Colin Powell — Michael Barone: The man with a — Ben Wattenberg: That’s right — former
chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, running on a ticket, on a visionary ticket as an independent
with traditional values as his major theme. How would he do? Michael Barone: Well, I think there’s a
real potential for that candidacy. You know, you can see it in the polls, and
you can see it depending on what General Powell does. In a way, a presidency of this sort is almost
what the founders envisaged. They did not think the president would be
a partisan figure. The person they had in mind for the first
holder of that office, George Washington, tried very much to hold himself above party,
although that became difficult in his administration. Michael Vlahos: The problem is that so many
people in the elite are looking to Powell to kind of paper over and bring together a
cleavage in America that you can’t get away from. Michael Barone: Your example of the Whigs
earlier — the Whig Party disappeared in part because it refused to confront — Michael Vlahos: Right, right, absolutely. Michael Barone: — or take a stand on the
moral issue of the day: slavery and extension of slavery. They said, “Hey, we’re neutral on this.” And everybody else had strong feelings about
it. They said, “We don’t need a party that’s
neutral on this. We’ll go with the Democrats who like slavery,
or we’ll go with the Republicans that sort of dislike it.” Michael Vlahos: That’s beginning to happen
now. Ronald Walters: This is the David Dinkins
solution. Paper it over, hope that he can bring everybody
together. Ben Wattenberg: David Dinkins is the mayor
of New York, the former mayor of New York. Ronald Walters: Former mayor of New York City. And it didn’t work. Michael Vlahos: I agree with you on that. Ben Wattenberg: Who spoke about the great
mosaic — Ronald Walters: That’s right, and it isn’t
working. Michael Vlahos: This isn’t the same as Eisenhower,
either. This isn’t the same as Eisenhower because
that was America — Ronald Walters: But let me say something about
Colin Powell. I just wanted to just go just a little step
further on Colin Powell. Because I think that the minute he opens his
mouth and begins to articulate his vision, the white population, which now in the polls
shows him way up there, is going to splinter. So he’s going to carry, I think, some of
the white population. But I think the real damage is going to be
done in the Democratic Party. He probably will carry as much as one-third
of people who consider themselves Democrats, and that’s going to be the death knell of
the Democratic — Ben Wattenberg: Will he capture a majority
of the black vote if he ran? Ronald Walters: No. About a third — about a third of the black
vote, people who now call themselves Democrats. Ben Wattenberg: Michael Beschloss, you tell
me, how would Colin Powell do? Michael Beschloss: I think he might win the
election. I think it would be a very problematical presidency. We have been talking about third parties and
third-party candidates. If he runs, he would not particularly be the
candidate of a party. Ronald Walters: Right, right, that’s true. Michael Beschloss: He would be an independent
movement, no base in Congress. If Colin Powell were elected on the basis
of personality and his very considerable prestige, what could he really claim this election as
a mandate for? One advantage of having a Republican or Democratic
label at this point in time is that, at the very least, a Bill Clinton can say in 1992,
whether genuinely or not, “My election represents a mandate for a point of view on a number
of issues, and I’m going to use that in dealing with Congress and the American people.” Very hard for Colin Powell to do that if he
runs a campaign that is as much above ideology as we’re talking about. Ronald Walters: I disagree because mandates
are not given. Politicians create mandates out of victory. Look at Lowell Weicker in Connecticut. Here’s a guy who ran on something called
the Connecticut Party and won, and right away claimed a mandate for doing what? Michael Vlahos: He’s hated by so many Connecticutans. Ronald Walters: Raising taxes. Michael Barone: Raising taxes. Well, that’s — he’d said he’d consider
raising taxes before, but — Ronald Walters: That’s right, that’s it. Michael Vlahos: There’s a problem with Colin
Powell, though. He’d grab the basically uncommitted middle,
and hanging out there on both ends would be the firebrands who want to change America
in two different directions. And so the problem would just be postponed. Michael Barone: You know, we have a sort of
polarized politics in this country, in part because we’ve got a polarized people. I mean like, you know, the force in the Republican
Party with the most elan and energy right now seems to be the religious right. In the Democratic Party, I would say it’s
the feminist left has been — Michael Beschloss: Right. Michael Barone: — certainly in 1992 was
the party with energy and enthusiasm and so forth. Neither one of those groups is sure that General
Powell shares their basic vision. And, you know, any — when a person comes
forward as he does, who is widely admired but whose views aren’t known, any enunciation
of his views is going to subtract some people from supporting him who otherwise would have
done so. In a cultural split, it will be interesting. I mean, you’re basically writing a platform
for him, Ben, that I don’t know if General Powell agrees with or not. Ben Wattenberg: I’m writing a book about
that platform for a number of candidates, you know, one book for four or five candidates
of different parties. Michael Vlahos: You know, one of the problems
I see here — and this highlights my belief that this is a period of a conflict of visions
— is that the two opposing visions are hell-bent on demonizing each other, the kind of demonizing
you haven’t seen since the 1850s, when the Republicans talked about the slave power and
characterized the Southerners as evil and the Southerners turned around and did the
same thing. Ben Wattenberg: We are running out of time. Let’s go around once more this way, and
let me ask one simple question to which I would like again a short answer, although
it’s hard to do. In terms of the next presidential election,
given the fact that none of us know the future, so stipulated, will there be a third-party
candidate or a fourth-party candidate or a third independent candidate for it? And how is this thing going to play out, stipulated
that none of us really knows? Ron Walters, Howard University. Ronald Walters: I think that there will be
a third-party candidate. It’s hard now to say who actually is going
to lose. I think Perot makes the Republicans lose. There could be the emergence of a Jesse Jackson
or a Colin Powell to make the Democrats lose. The fact is that the polls are showing that
47 percent or 50 percent of blacks think it’s time for a black party, so that they may not
stay with the Democratic Party if Clinton doesn’t do right over issues like affirmative
action. So I think there will be one. It’s hard to say right now what the configuration
will be. Ben Wattenberg: Michael Vlahos, Progress and
Freedom Foundation. Michael Vlahos: You’ll have splits in both
parties. They may look minor in terms of challenges
to the two parties, but you’re going to see an erosion of the old parties and the
emergence of two new parties that better reflect the actual issue at hand in terms of a conflict
of visions in America. Ben Wattenberg: Have two new parties? Michael Vlahos: Well, the parties will reshape
themselves. They may be called different names. But you need to have parties today that attach
themselves to the two visions that are driving America toward whatever future it has. Ben Wattenberg: And just very briefly, what
are the two visions — one, two? Michael Vlahos: Well, one vision is basically
a paternalistic, multicultural vision of a balkanized America, run by a dominant elite. The other vision is a much more fragmented
libertarian-cum-traditional values vision. Ben Wattenberg: Okay. Michael Beschloss, tell us the future, distinguished
historian. Michael Beschloss: To govern is to choose,
and third parties help major parties, Republicans and Democrats, to choose. Republicans are a majority party right now. The Democrats are the ones who are going to
have to decide what they want to do in the future. They have really eluded that question. If there is a breakout from the Democrats,
they’re going to have to choose one way or the other, left or right. Ben Wattenberg: Michael Barone, surely you
know the future. Michael Barone: Surely I know the future. I do not know the future. I have a hard time knowing the past. I will say there’s about a 40 percent chance
that we will see a serious third candidacy. It will depend on whether General Colin Powell
thinks the Republican candidate nominee is up to snuff. It will depend on whether Jesse Jackson believes
that the Clinton administration policy is unacceptable. And it will depend on whatever Ross Perot’s
decision-making process depends on. Ben Wattenberg: Okay. I know the future, but I’m not going to
reveal it right now. Thank you, Michael Barone, Ronald Walters,
Michael Beschloss, and Michael Vlahos. And thank you. Please send your questions and comments to
New River Media, 1150 17th Street, NW, Washington, DC, 20036. Or we can be reached via email at
[email protected] For “Think Tank,” I’m Ben Wattenberg. Announcer: This has been a production of BJW
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WYFF News 4’s Truth Check looks into one of the first political ads for the 20-16 presidential race


THE 2016 PRESIDENTIAL RACE IS OFF TO A BUSY START. ALREADY… SIX REPUBLICANS AND TWO DEMOCRATS ANNOUNCED THEY ARE RUNNING. AND THERE’S ALREADY A POLITICAL AD ON THE AIR.. SLAMMING ONE OF THE REPUBLICAN CANDIDATES. IT ACCUSES FORMER ARKANSAS GOVERNOR MIKE HUCKABEE OF RAISING TAXES AT EVERY TURN… BUT IS THAT TRUE? WYFF NEWS 4 INVESTIGATES TIM WALLER HAS OUR FIRST TRUTH CHECK REPORT OF THE NEW POLITICAL SEASON. Announcer: “Why do conservatives oppose Mike Huckabee?” WHENEVER A POLITICAL AD HITS THE AIR.. YOU CAN BE SURE WE’LL PUT IT TO THE TRUTH CHECK TEST. AND BE SURE TO CHECK OUT OUR OTHER TRUTH CHECK REPORTS. JUST HEAD TO OUR WEBSITE.. AND CLICK ON POLITICS UNDER THE NEWS TAB… ON WYFF4.COM.

Analysis: Edwards’ challengers need to work together to beat him


joining us now is our political analyst
Clancy DuBose thanks for joining us what do you think overall who had the
most at stake tonight they all did because the two Republicans
had to join forces in effect to attack Edwards and try to keep him below 50%
the thrust of all the Republican efforts bringing down Trump’s family the Vice
President the President himself on Friday night it’s all about keeping John
bel Edwards below that magical 50% plus one for Edwards it’s the flip side he
needs to get to 50% plus one it’s a little more complicated between the two
Republicans because they not only need to keep Edwards below 50% but Abraham
and responding each needs to get past the other and that you know the the real
game plan for Republicans in this debate was not to attack each other but the
format plus both of them being kind of close in the polls they couldn’t resist
you saw Paul Dudley story where they went at each other for a little bit over
whether or not Abraham had donated a salary
there was another instance where Abraham asked respond II did you in fact support
common core curriculum in the schools which became very controversial and then
you turned against it were you flip-flopping let’s watch and see how
that one played out and I got a opponent here that keeps going around everywhere
I go and says Eddie respond he still supports Common Core I every time I go
somewhere he still outright lie about it and I’ve been saying this for months and
it goes back years four years ago when they took common carotid system he
didn’t know what common core was two years ago true and Allison you tell me
one thing never let it in in the first place yeah I didn’t let it in you tell
me what you’ve done to stop Jimmy one thing that you’ve done have given the
fuck tell me one thing you don’t run you can’t say it you don’t even know how
many states brought it up look at it just look that’s what you got oh that’s
a political politician trying to start don’t lie about what your brother’s not
alive all right mr. Abraham’s yeah when you need when two candidates
need to be joining forces to attack the third guy and they wind up calling each
other liars that’s not good yeah I mean I guess both of them are trying to get
in the runoff right that’s differentiation Edwards has one job when
outright responds and Abraham each has two jobs get past the other and keep
Edwards below 50% we still have some major things going on in this race
including the president coming to be a part of this why haven’t we heard a lot
do you think from governor Edwards about the fact that Trump’s coming well first
of all the governor does not have a bad personal relationship with the president
plus he has a lot of conservative white support which is basically a Trump voter
and he doesn’t want to alienate them plus the Republicans want to nationalize
this race if the governor starts talking about the president that plays into the
Republican gameplan the governor wants to keep everything focused on Louisiana
and local issues so he doesn’t want to talk good bad or indifferent about the
president or any other national issue all right Clancy we look forward to
hearing from you Saturday night we will have all of our coverage thanks so much
for being here tonight and don’t forget again this Saturday at 8 o’clock join us
on channel 4 with live election results reports from all of the major candidate
headquarters across the stage plus analysis from our political experts
including Clancy Ron Foshay and Greg Rick amore
download our new app so that you can get all of the up-to-the-minute results and
alerts we’re going to be streaming our coverage on wwl-tv comm as well and of
course on our Facebook page

Jimmy Tries Out Republican Excuse Generator


-You guys, I want to
say congrats to the
New York Yankees, who are moving on
to the American League
Championship Series. [ Cheers and applause ] And congrats to the Mets, who are moving on to binge-watch
season 8 of “Friends.” That’s fantastic. Yeah, you could tell the Yankees
were feeling good when they popped champagne,
lit cigars, and it was only
the second inning. That’s when I knew
something was up. Let’s get to some news. Today, the White House
stopped an important ambassador from testifying. Yep, Trump told his staff
to do whatever it takes to stop anyone
from saying anything that could endanger
his presidency. And his staff was like, “Okay,”
and duct taped his mouth shut. [ Laughter ] [ Cheers and applause ] “Can’t stop my Twitter hands.” “Get his hands, too!
Get his thumbs! Tape his thumbs.
He has Twitter thumbs.” “Tweet!”
That’s right. The White House blocked our
E.U. Ambassador Gordon Sondland from testifying
about the Ukraine scandal. Because nothing says we’ve got
nothing to hide like saying, “We got to hide Gordon.” Can we see what Gordon Sondland
looks like? Yeah. Looks like an accountant
for the Addams family. [ Laughter ] He looks like a guy
who rents a Ferrari
for his high school reunion. You know that guy? He looks like a lawyer
who claims he only collects
money ifyouget paid. You know? [ Laughter ] [ Applause ] “And I only take money
if you get paid.” Weak figure. Apparently, the Ambassador has a bunch of text messages
about Ukraine, but the State Department
won’t give them to Congress. When she heard that,
Hillary Clinton was like, “Russia, if you’re listen,
I hope you’re able to find the texts
on the Ambassador’s phone.” Oh, and get this — I heard
that when the whistle-blower testifies before Congress, they might disguise
his appearance and his voice, which means there’s
a good chance the President is about to be brought down
by guy dressed as a Minion. [ Laughter ] “Banana!” And I read that, since the
impeachment inquiry began, White House officials
have been dodging interviews about the Ukraine scandal. Apparently, they even got
their own excuse generator to come up with reasons
why they can’t talk. I’ll show you how it works. For example, when they asked
Attorney General William Barr for an interview,
he said… [ Electronic beeping ] …”I would, but I’m working
as a John Goodman impersonator.” -Oh. Well… [ Applause ] -Next, when they asked
Senator Rand Paul, he said… [ Electronic beeping ] …”I can’t move the appointment
for my perm.” -Makes sense. -You got to keep it tight.
-Yeah. -Got to keep it tight!
Tight! Tight!
-Tight! -Next, when they asked
Housing Secretary Ben Carson, he said… [ Electronic beeping ] …”I’m busy practicing for
‘Dancing with the Stars.'” -Oh, well, yeah.
-That’s going to be good. -Valid excuse. -And, finally,
when they asked Rudy Giuliani — Look at that picture.
[ Laughter ] -Oh, my God! -When they asked Rudy Giuliani
for an interview, he said… [ Electronic beeping ] …”Sorry, I’m having
a colonoscopy as we speak.” Wow! -“As we speak.” -Wow. -Something’s up. -Now, today, Trump had lunch
with Vice President Mike Pence. You can tell Trump’s
paranoid about leaks because, before the meeting,
he frisked Pence to see if he was wearing a wire. He’s like “Wow, you’re like
a Ken doll everywhere.” [ Laughter ] [ Applause ] “Mother? Mother, get in here.” Did you guys see this? China is refusing
to broadcast NBA games after the Houston Rockets’ GM
spoke out in support
of Hong Kong’s protesters. It’s a bad situation
’cause the NBA needs China to grow their fan base
and to make their shoes. -Yeah. [ Audience groans ] -It’s true, it’s true. It’s true.
-Yeah. -Yeah.
-Let’s face facts. -Hey, listen to this. To save taxpayer money,
the king of Sweden just took away royal status
from five of his grandkids. For us, it’s a news story. For Eric and Don Jr.,
it’s a preview. Get this — a British man
became the first person to fly around the world
in a gyrocopter. Yep. When asked to comment
on his flight in a gyrocopter, he said, “Actually,
it’s pronounced yeero-copter. [ Laughter ] Probably… -Didn’t know that. -Probably didn’t know that.
A little over your head. So, no big deal. -Needs to spin. -It’s just, my family they’ve
always flown in yeero-copters. That’s what you call it. So…no big deal. -Yeah. -And finally, a French town
made a world record setting fruit salad that weighed
almost 23,000 pounds. When they heard about wasting
23,000 pounds of fruit, Edible Arrangements was like,
“Stay in your lane, girl.” We have a great show.